On się with Reflexive Subject Experiencer Verbs in Polish
Abstract
This paper examines the syntax of the reflexive marker się, found with Subject Experiencer (henceforth SubjEx) verbs in Polish. Those reflexive SubjEx verbs that alternate with Object Experiencer (henceforth ObjEx) verbs are analysed. The reflexive się does not have a reflexive interpretation and does not represent a bound variable, and neither does it act as an operator reducing the valency of alternating SubjEx verbs. The reflexive się of SubjEx verbs, analysed in Chomsky’s Minimalist Program (“Minimalist inquiries: The framework,” “Derivation by Phase,” et seq., henceforth MP), is an element without a theta role, and hence not an argument. It merges in v and lacks φ-features. Since only v with φ-features can value accusative case, once v is filled with the φ-feature deficient się, v cannot value the accusative. Consequently, się in v blocks accusative case valuation with reflexive SubjEx verbs.
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