Szkoła polonijna jako czynnik kulturowej tożsamości w systemie działania społeczności polonijnej w Stanach Zjednoczonych

Abstrakt

The first period of Polonian life in the United States (to 1920) — a period of building systems of social action — was characterized by the constant arrival of new immigrants (2,5 million persons) and the partial return to their native land (about 25%). Because of this, lively ties were retained with their mother country. In the new country the arrivals obtained a livelihood and personal freedom. However, since they were exploited, they had to care about themselves and the fate of their children, who were to remain „in their place” until the moment of assimilation with White Anglo-Saxon Protestants (L. H. Carlson, C. A. Colburn. In Their Place. White America Defines her Minorities, 1850-1950). The principal group of reference for the settlements they formed was their „own” in the old country, the Polish nation. They created their own organizations and institutions which were welded together through their own communications system, the Polish language.

Poles distinguished themselves from among all ethnic groups by concern for their children’s education. By 1920 they established 530 grade schools and 11 high schools. These mirrored their life. Every parochial school experienced its evolution along with that of the parish. In its first years it was poor and, just as the entire parish, struggled with many difficulties (modernization of facilities, concern for assistance and teaching personnel). W. Drake (The American School in Transition) indicates that half of the public schools in the nineteenth century struggled with similar difficulties. Concern for the quality of its schools permeated Polonian centres. “Undoubtedly, we must accept the unceasing complaints about deficiencies of our parochial schools as a positive sign”, wrote W. Rylski (in Sprawa polska w Ameryce) [...] “and we do not look on with folded hands at the strangers who are so obviously ready to take away our children and model them after their own pattern”.

Usually after a few years, with the growth of the parish, the Polonian school became one of the better learning institutions in the United States. An important role in this respect was performed by nuns, especially the Felician Sisters. Being an institution of local social action, the school accomplished a suitable role: it taught the Polish language and culture. It cared for the formation of good parish members. It also taught the American language and culture, integrating the young generations of Polish immigrants with American society.

The interwar period was decidedly significant for Polonian life; it crystallized its system of social action and -the character of its educational system. At that time about 70,000 persons in Detroit (about 1,5 milion persons in the United States) were second and third generation Polish immigrants. Knowing the English language (some better, some worse), ties with their countrymen were no longer a necessity. Their social attitude conformed with general rules: people organize themselves in order to attain specific values and goods which will aid in satisfying their material or spiritual needs. They will, therefore, belong to Polonian organizations and institutions as long as these will fulfill this kind of role. And this will depend on understanding the social mechanisms of advancement and creation of a common good (community funds). To achieve this purpose, cooperative taxation (among other means) is necessary. Parishes did this (through an envelope system) but after unsuccessful attempts to attain autonomy they entered into the diocesan social action system of the Catholic Church, which in no way cared about cultural identity or Polonian interests. The Polish National Alliance did this by taxing its members (5 cents per month) for the Polish people. Unfortunately, nothing was done for the purpose of creating a common fund for Polonia. And, it must be emphasized that the chances of accomplishing this were there. In the 1920’s the Polonian community had a sufficiently developed organizational network. There existed 1105 organized local groups in which 833 parishes functioned. At the time, these cultivated Polish religious culture. 572 elementary schools, 73 high schools, 6 colleges, 3 teachers’ colleges, and 4 seminaries taught Polish culture and language to about 300,000 children and young adults. A system of social communication functioned: nearly all knew the Polish language, about 100 periodicals were published (including 20 dailies) with a combined circulation of 1,329,000 copies. Besides this, hundreds of other institutions existed: „Dom Polski’s”, libraries, nursing homes, orphanages, hospitals, etc. There were about 12,000 local associations, cultural groups of all kinds, fraternities and clubs, as well as 25 supralzocal organizations.

Hundreds of millions of dollars were invested in building community life. In Detroit, for example, the property of 13 parishes was valued at $ 3,675,000. The value of other Polonian real estate was $ 2,416,000. There was a need to encompass all organizations and institutions through a mutual center for the collective disposition and maintenance of a suitable community fund.

Unfortunately, there arose a series of circumstances which impeded mutual identification and formation of a common system of social action for 'the entire Polonia:

1. Formation of the independent Polish state undermined one of the principles •which motivated Polonia’s organizations. And an improper attitude toward Polonia resulted in the Polish nation’s loss of its position as a group-of reference. Notable here was the bad treatment of Haller’s and Paderewski’s followers, dishonesty and disarray of the national administration, carry-over of party quarrels into Polonia’s political life, the loss of great sums of money invested in Polish business enterprises, and constant beggary.
   2. Ideological disruption and quarrels in Polonian settements.
   3. Departure of its own intelligentsia.
   4. Suspension of immigration and the American Establishment’s pressure for assimilation.
   5. The economic crisis of the 1930’s destroyed Polonia’s economic achievements, set back the formation of a common good and intensified the assimilation process. Existing Polonian enterprises, banks, property, and savings were literally decimated. Wide masses of Poles, discriminated against and first to be deprived of work, fell into great poverty. The reason for this state was attributed to their attitude toward retaining their Polish cultural * identity and they were branded with the epithet of “ghetto”. A mass reversal from this identity began in the direction of assimilation. Organizations and Polonian periodicals declined, the English language was introduced into churches, more and more persons changed their Polish names, traces of Polish descent and Polish culture began to be erased. All this was also reflected in Polonia’s educational system.

Improved parochial schools entered into the orbit of the diocesan system. Polish suhjects and language began to be. eliminated (and this also met with support of parents). The number of Polonian children decreased from 60% in 1920 to 40% in 1940. Parochial schools were ceasing the role to which they hat been called: formation of ethnic cultural identity. This shows the dependance of schools on the existing social system.

“Little schools” of Polish culture and language developed after World War I. In the early 1930’s there were nearly 300 of them, including 184 in the Polish National Alliance. About 22,000 children attended them. Because the number of Polonian youth in public schools and universities increased significanty at this time, teaching of the Polish language was begun there and Polish courses and departments were established (in over 30 high schools and several colleges and universities). This was a significant process of language change in Polonian centers. Whereas before World War I the Polish language was in daily use while the community elite knew English, now the English language entered daily use While Polish was becoming the second language of the Polonian elite. The question -arises: how long will this pattern exist in United States Polonia?

Further disintegration of Polonian systems of social action followed World War II. This was mainly caused by population movement. New immigrants and colored populations poured in to the great urban centers. The enriched families of former inhabitants left. .This applied also to Polonian settlements. Of a 350,000 Polonia in Detroit (1940) about 100,000 remained (1970). Of 27 flourishing parishes possessing their own schools (including 11 high schools)f 15 liquidated their schools and almost entirely. (One parish was completely liquidated; the church was demolished in 1981.) Sisters demanded remunerations equal to that of teachers in public schools, which parish budgets were unable to meet. About 300 parochial schools still remained in all the States; the majority lost their Polonian character entirely (the Polish language was taught in 42); all children who apply are accepted, with no regard for their ancestry. About 200 ’’little schools” of the Polish language remain with 3500 students. About 2,000 students are enrolled in Polish courses at 60 colleges and universities.

In the 1970’s in an ethnic movement atmosphere, many parochial schools attempted to introduce study of the Polish language. This was a fiasco after a brief enthusiasm. It would seem that the Polish language should be introduced in only one class (the third, far example) and then a separate class (set in the school’s schedule of studies) should be formed far those children with an aptitude for the language. This would have great significance for the foundation of a Polish elite in Polonia. In order to maintain Polonia’s cultural identity it would also be necessary to teach children and young adults the history of Polonia and the Polonian literature which originates in the United States.

In spite of everything which was preached for years—that Americans of Polish descent did not want to be educated—the young generation of the 1970’s attained one of the best educational positions in American society. However, this did not give them the same social positions that White Anglo-Saxon Protestants, Jews, or organized Blacks occupy. It becomes evident that it is not enough to have an education in American society; one must also have ’’backing” and belong to a proper system of social action which cares for its members.